I share the unit appeals of leaders of the Democratic Party and Ettore Rosato Luigi Zanda, contained in the interviews which issued respectively to Corriere della and the Republic . The unit, however, can not be a fetish to summon, but the product of a political process to be done nodes facing to melt and without continue to bury our heads in the sand or repeating worn formulas on hypothetical our will to transform into a conference party the referendum date.
in fact, more than two years in each location policy and institutional claiming that we go to the left of the democratic party, the main problem of the constitutional reform process is in conjunction between the new Senate and Italicum, ie the ratio between these two delicate operations of institutional engineering, that a minimum of wisdom would be required to keep separate.
From this relationship, in fact, gives rise to two prejudicially adverse effects and the fact that it wants to continue to pretend not to see them does not make them less worrying and essential, especially in light of the defeat of the last local elections.
The first aspect concerns a mutation of the indirect form of government with the establishment of a semi-presidential system of the Prime Minister or, if you prefer, an absolute premiership that has no precedent in other Western democratic systems and , in any case, it has not been accompanied by a prediction of the necessary institutional counterweights.
The second aspect relates to a further closing of the Italian democracy because oligarchic with Italicum the choice of those elected by citizens will be the prerogative only of the strength winning the elections and the parliament will be formed once again by a majority of appointed MPs. Instead we must do everything to bring people closer to the parliamentarians by establishing medium-small single-member constituencies to permanently close the season with the porcellum , as we promised in the election campaign of 2013 and supported in unison all candidates the secretary of the democratic Party the following year, including Renzi.
Think of addressing the crisis of credibility through democratic institutions in Italy and in Europe continuing to barricade themselves in a fort of appointed and promoting decisiveness without decision with minority governments “doppati” by the runoff effects would be such a serious mistake that we can not really share power, in the name of the founding values of the democratic Party and its prospects.
the two leaders of the democratic Party they know that we have not voted on the Italicum the Senate nor the House, despite being set confidence. A choice of lacerating government, which in one hundred fifty years had been put into practice only two more times, under fascism with “Unripe law” and the Cold War with the so-called “Law scam,” and that led Robert Hope to resign as leader without in the party and in the assembly of the group, which took place in those hours in an atmosphere of the stadium, there was the decency to play a minimum of political reflection, I say political, about what was happening, that is, the choice that a former president of the Council as Enrico Letta and two former secretaries of the democratic Party as Guglielmo Epifani and Pier Luigi Bersani had taken no voting trust.
the two leaders of the democratic Party knows well that the Senate we voted for the constitutional reform in second reading despite many misgivings, and only after getting three “reduction of harm” necessary that concerned terziarietà powers of the guarantee bodies (the method of election of judges of the constitutional Court and the President of the Republic, which , thanks to our intervention, was taken away from the domination of the majority) and the procedures for election of new senators will be chosen by regional councils, which, however, will have to express themselves “in accordance” with the election previously made by citizens.
We voted for the reform sense of responsibility towards the government that indirectly had placed a kind of confidence on his work also in this area, but as long as a law was defined for the elective nature of the new senators that would make effective the agreement entered on their choice “in accordance” with the direct will of citizens. But so far we have met with only vague promises and fashion statements, without which an accurate and respectful political will at least instruct the practice from a bill that we have developed in January 2016 and sent to the highest leaders of the party and government.
the second question concerns the amendment dell’Italicum in the sense of a more representative, a change that, of course, should intervene before the celebration of the referendum. From the political point of view it is natural that it should be so, because if they win the Yes Renzi will give the cards the times and ways to a possible amendment of the electoral law that, at most, will consist of a “retouch” compared to the theme of the prize to the coalition, whereas, if they win the No, the fact remains Italicum fall into oblivion since it is a law designed exclusively for a unicameral system. In 80 days it has been around the world, let alone if you can not change an electoral law if there are seriousness of intent and genuine political will to do so.
If these two measures will not be realized vote “is »in the referendum would be a leap in the dark that many voters and democratic party leaders do not feel to make first of all in the interest of Italian democracy and then of his own party.
Notwithstanding that a possible victory of the No in the referendum would not lead to the Flood as so irresponsible and counter-productive in many areas one wants to continue to pretend as if the Italian citizens accept to be blackmailed. As for us Renzi should remain in any case in place demonstrating that the reform of the constitution must be disconnected from the executive’s fortunes and it was wrong to want to hold together the two producing unnecessary force.
As well as continuing to be a mistake not to want to give citizenship also to the reasons of the No to the reform within the Democratic Party and the Unity party held around Italy because you slap hundreds of thousands of our voters would continue to vote for us to policies even after choosing the “no” in the referendum and instead you feel put on the door.
Perhaps it plans to replace them with the masses of voters Verdini and Alfano? And the recent defeat in local we should not teach anything about the behavior of many voters of the Democratic Party and the center-left who have chosen to abstain or directly the 5 Star Movement without having been replaced by votes, moderate or right as superficially it was hoped to happen? It would be important to note that with the summer break of parliamentary work is finished by the time the tinker: either the recovery will start a serious political and parliamentary initiative on the points reported for the past two years or each of us will assume its responsibilities in the Party and in front to the country.
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