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It seems made for Sergio Mattarella. On the Hill will rise almost certainly a gray figure not only in the canopy, a Democrat of the former Christian Democrats who left many failures caused to the country, a champion of the Third World solidarity capable of blocking rules, reform and civil growth, finally succeeding in making granite immobility which led us to the swamp today.
Mattarella person certainly honest and consistent, was a leading exponent of the seasons of consociativismo, when all gave the impression of chasing lofty goals, but then they put agreed to leave things as they were. Who had said that we would not be dead Democrats? Never prophecy was so wrong. If tomorrow Mattarella become in effect the 12th President of the Republic, you can say that the old DC is back in the saddle at large, with Renzi to his guidance and with the patrol of former communists who took refuge in the Democratic Party reduced to current internal resurrected white whale. It returns, bad posthumous exhumation, something Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, one of the worst tenants del Quirinale Mattarella, the eve of the expiration of his presidential term, had even proposed for a second seven, fortunately averted by the growing weight gained by the center.
Sergio Mattarella, for about eight years away from active politics, was born in Palermo July 23, 1941 and from 2011 is constitutional judge. The father Bernard was one of the founders of the Christian Democrats in Sicily, but also accused of being very close to the mafia, he ferried, according to some historians, the monarchy and separatist militancy in Dc launched in employment of power and conquest of institutions. Brother Piersanti, governor of Sicily, would redeem this negative image revealing tireless opponent of the mafia and corruption, always in the forefront in denouncing the excessive power of the clans and collusion with politics. On January 6, 1980 will be killed in an ambush by Cosa Nostra, right under the eyes of his brother, one of whose arms will die.
In 1983 Sergio Mattarella, then a lawyer and professor of law at the University of Palermo parliamentary, decides to take up his heritage and was elected deputy with the DC. In the 80′s Minister of Relations with Parliament in governments De Mita and Goria, then Minister of Education with the sixth Andreotti government, but in 1990, along with four other ministers, he resigned from office in protest against the passage of the law Mammì, which he said favored the Fininvest. When the government asks Andreotti confidence, Mattarella declares: “Of course we will vote, but we have done well out of the government.”
After the dissolution of the DC is one of the initiators of the People’s Party and in 1996, the year of the election victory of the Olive of Romano Prodi, is appointed leader in the House. Resigned the Prodi government, he served as vice premier in the new government D’Alema, who in his second Executive shall appoint him defense minister. It will be in the list of the Olive deputy until 2008, October 5, 2011 to become the judge of the Constitutional Court. Him little or nothing is remembered in the various roles of the minister, but he linked his name perhaps the best electoral law had Italy, known as Mattarellum, launched in 1993, 75% of majority and 25% of proportional, that because that would be replaced in 2013 by the infamous porcellum. Mattarella not foresee it, with his law would pave Berlusconi’s triumph in ’94.
Probably arises from the resounding victory of the Knight of the personal and political incompatibility between the two. “A nightmare irrational”: thus Mattarella would define the entry of Forza Italy in the EPP, to mark its strong distance from Berlusconi, an incompatibility even physical as well as in the ways of being and express themselves. And as a judge of the Consulta, Mattarella will be among the most committed to supporting the unconstitutionality of porcellum, just became dear to Berlusconi. Tomorrow will be the Head of State a character almost completely unknown in the European registries, a shy and reserved student, caught in padded rooms of the Consulta, where perhaps Mattarella was pleased to end refugee codes between his story and public policy. It was probably just her confidence, her not being the protagonist, the apparent distance from the complicated political games of our time, to convince Renzi to bring on the Hill a pe rson should not make him shadow, potentially tamed, even able to consolidate hood of power that the young prime minister has drawn on Italy. Sure, the halls of the Quirinale have changed more than a president. Scalfaro, who Mattarella inspired (“the best that the country could have,” she said to him one time), showed up with ways of curial placid country priest, and then prove a useful thin weaver of plots to topple governments desired by voters, but he is not welcome. His vetoes of names of ministers, interventionism out of any constitutional rule, are in the story. Berlusconi was an obsession, the victories of the center a nightmare infinity.
For the moment, Renzi did strike, but imposing Mattarella in spite of the Knight and Alfano, has broken the covenant of the Nazarene and forced into the future Berlusconi and Forza Italy in real opposition, not only apparent as that exerted until a few hours ago. Above all we must see if Mattarella, once sat on the presidential chair, will be the docile facilitator wish renziani. Certainly his coldness (“compared to him Forlani is a movimentista” said Ciriaco De Mita) must be interpreted and deciphered. But this is the story of the coming months.
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