The full text of the speech in the House of Renzi transcribed by stenographers .
Madam President, Members of the House of Representatives, I would like to express my gratitude and that of the Government for allowing a parliamentary debate on the course of “a thousand days.” Someone has painted the choice of “a thousand days” that the government and the majority has done as an attempt to delay, wasting time. Never a reading such as this can be considered grotesque and, in some respects, even ridiculous.
We are absolutely convinced that “a thousand days” are the last chance to recover lost time; are the program of recovery that is exposed at the end of the game. After losing so much time in the past, now we have the last chance to even the score, and if we lose, we lose the government loses Italy. That is why the gravity and responsibility of our approach stems from the strong and widespread awareness that, at the end of this path of “a thousand days”, we not only reverse the history of this term, but we especially call into the race and the track Italy.
I say flip the history of this term, because there is no one who does not see how the path from which we started is a path he saw, just eighteen months ago, no winner, no majority, no ability to elect the head of state, a stall for which the legislature seemed to have finished in the first two months, the whole future in front of him.
We are not parties in order to prop up the term, nor are we interested to take up a career or ambition of a single parliamentary or a single member of the government. We assume having to prop up Italy in an international setting difficult, so, until a few months ago, the world was running, the eurozone hobbled and rolled Italy. Today we are in a time when the world corricchia, the Eurozone is at a standstill, Italy has stopped falling. But this is not enough, not enough. The numbers are not more devastating than a few months ago: in 2012, we closed less than 2.4, in 2013, nine months ago, we closed less than 1.9, we are now less than 0.2. But who was content to break the fall should have some healthy problem for which to be seen to be a good one.
We need to leave and return to growth. The decrease can be happy only for those who have never seen the face of a laid off; the decrease can be happy only for those who can not smell a bit ‘strange and unnatural to a factory closes; the decrease can be happy for those who have never seen an entrepreneur seeing reject a request for a credit line at the bank. The decrease is never happy.
So our goal is to return to growth, starting, of course, by the number of employees, whose step forward – more than 83,000 between June 2014 and June 2013 – is still largely insufficient , given the crisis that has been recorded in the last six years with the doubling of the unemployment rate, from about 7 to 12.6 percent. We need to reverse and reset the bet and economic policy of this country.
“a thousand days” are not a way to waste time, they are a way to give our action effectiveness and the strength of a project that has the breath, the horizon, the sense of mission and vision. On this issue I would like to make it clear, as the end point of my premise, an obligation on the part of this government: we have a duty, a duty, a responsibility to tell you where we want to take the country from here to the next thousand days. We propose to use as the expiration of the term of the natural end, knowing that it is the faculty of the chambers, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, at any time, deny the trust and knowing also, with great determination and conviction, that this side of the table we are not afraid to confront Italians. We did not in the least afraid to confront Italians, I think we have demonstrated in various circumstances, but if we say that we get to do it because in February 2018 before party interests for us are the interests of the country.
Today, Italy needs a challenge that has this sense of the horizon and we think that from here to the thousand days ending at the end of May 2017 there is space to realize that organic route reforms that will go quickly to sever and then use the period from June to the end of the year to allow political forces, properly rearranged, to close an Italian anomaly with a new electoral law and introduce yourself to the judgment of the voters in manner clear and defined. We are willing to make a path for reforms that eventually you may even lose your consent. I do not think so, because I believe that Italians are willing to reform, but they are even willing to lose your consent; are available at
to run the risk of losing the next election. I’m not willing to take the risk of wasting time and, today, it is a priority to be able to give answers that begin with a reading of the country.
There is a widespread literature in Italian politics for which Italy is a country that has become a normal country. Italy will never be a normal country and I say this not with the smile of someone who mocks us, but with the pride, the emotion, the passion of those who love this country and its inhabitants. Italy will never be a normal country, because Italy is a country of exceptional by definition, is a special country, by definition, is an extraordinary country by definition. This does not mean that we should not have the standard normal, compared to all other European countries, in justice, public administration, in the path of reform and selection of the ruling class. We have a duty and in some respects the right to try to make this country into line with other countries in these areas, but deny the specialties of Italy is to deny his identity, his mission.
Benedetto Croce said that the character of a people is its story and nothing but the story. The history of this country shows that Italy has a specificity and an extraordinary that we can not deny; is not only the beauty of a landscape or a work of art, is the ability of the engineers, workers, artisans, people who have made Italy. At a time when we say this, we identify the constituency of the action of this Government and elaborate a controversy not just instinctive than those that have been defined professionals sandwich, but a controversy that is objective with respect to the alleged experts who in recent years have omitted or perhaps not understood the gravity of the crisis, they did not foresee. Before they have omitted the gravity, then they have to give wrong answers and, now, from the top of their complacency, imagine explaining to us what should be done and what should not be done. Compared to the derby between professionals and Italian sandwich that breaks the back we are with this second part of the country that is the part that you wake up early in the morning, going to work and that demands of us, being the constituency of our mandate, only two things: the first is that we first do not resign ourselves to resignation.
Those who continue to put forward their own family, their business, their daily commitment, despite the fact that everything seems to conspire to out failure, it needs to be part of the leadership of the ruling class of the country, a concrete commitment to not accept to give up an inch (Applause Members of the Democratic Party), but also requires the management team to identify with this definition, what is the horizon of our commitment. I am here to tell you this, I’m here to tell you that at the end of the Thousand Days Italy will again have a role in the international political situation, will return to Italy to do.
I was shocked and amazed by the debate that has accompanied the appointment of Federica Mogherini High Representative for Foreign Affairs and European politics. It struck me because never before in this time we live in a time of crisis in some respects unprecedented countries that were formed after the world wars and were ruled by a dictatorship today lose their drive or their integrity. This is what is happening, and we are fighting against this risk in Libya or Iraq, where the attempts of the new Parliament or of the new government are to maintain unity of the country, which is not insured by the failure of the management of post- dictatorship. What is happening in Egypt is for us an element of extraordinary attention and interest; we were the first to come to Cairo after the change of President. What is happening after the end of the Arab Spring, which probably looks more to the boundaries and contours, for a fall to a spring that does not, however, saw the Italian presence in the front line. And think of how complicated and difficult situation when, for the first time, it organizes an Islamic state with the characteristics of the caliphate, which is proposed and is intended not only to destroy some enemy peoples but to launch a radical challenge the very existence of the West.
Faced with this scenario, how not to exploit foreign policy as a great opportunity to focus again on the Mediterranean? La Pira would have defined an extension of the Sea of Galilee, at a time like this. But how do you not consider foreign policy as well as constitutive of some concrete choices? Why is derived from foreign policy to immigration policy, foreign policy derives from the evaluation of the economic growth, but foreign policy follows the very identity of our country and the very identity of Europe comes at a time when, for the first time 25 years after the end of the Berlin Wall, they come back to blow the winds that someone should look like a cold war between Europe and its main neighbor, because of what it is in discussion with Russia. The reduction of this debate to simple energy debate is ridiculous! It is something much larger and more significant than the theme of energy requirements, which does not bother us for other reasons.
But this is the scenario in which we find ourselves, a scenario difficult but fascinating, charming, full of stimuli. In the face of this, Italy that gets the guidance of European foreign policy is considered by some professionals in the comments of our own as a defeat, because we do not have to deal with foreign policy, because in the global world we have to worry about going to do our best interests defend a sector of the economy, as if the bet on foreign policy was a battle, un’impuntatura staff of the Prime Minister.
I have retained the titles: Telemachus returns home empty-handed (it was the day after July 16); I have kept the tweets: Now we will not count anymore in Europe, the bully Tuscan slammed his face against the European bureaucracy; I have not kept the debate cultural, intellectual and politician who should have followed this debate, because there was no trace in our media and also because the visit to Africa, the first time in the history of a head of government in the Sahara, in Angola and Mozambique, where there is a strong Italian presence historically – think about the role that has always played not only cooperation but also the Deputy Minister of Economic Development, which has been found to mediate between the parties to the conflict to allow the smooth running of the election – has been canceled with a short article.
At the end of these one thousand days we want to bring foreign policy to be a key element in the identity and history of Italy because Italy or does this work here or even Europe will be weaker than betting before us (Applause Members of the groups Democratic Party, Civic Choice for Italy, the center-right New, for Italy and Members of the mixed group).
At the end of these thousand days in which Europe spill over its borders – and I would want to say about their purpose – propose to the Parliament, we have already begun to propose a constitutional system by passing the perfect bicameralism, the recovery of a balanced relationship between the state and territories, overcoming unnecessary entities such as the CNEL. It is the project of constitutional reform approved in first reading.
I ask the House to retrieve a style in the discussion. The Senate has made extraordinary strides in bringing home an outcome that seemed unthinkable only at the beginning of the summer, because out here the common thread that linked the debate was not the one that connects seventy years of history constitutional proposal of constitutional reform advanced by the Government. No, it was chosen more or less appropriately to shout to the authoritarian turn and then at the same time to say that we were not able to carry out our projects. A sort of authoritarian turn in slow motion. The first coup with the slow motion done in the history of the country. Because? To deny the discussion on key points. For 70 years, this room is argued that the House and Senate can not do the same things and if we arrived at the perfect bicameralism was not by choice but for visionary and strategic compromise because you could not find an agreement between a part of the debate of ‘Constituent Assembly which called for the second chamber of the professions and a part of the debate in the Constituent Assembly which called for the second chamber as the House of territorial autonomies.
There is no denying the reality and that is that overcoming the perfect bicameralism has been the subject of all the proposals for constitutional reform in the bicameral which have been developed over the last thirty years. There is no denying the fact that the reform of Title V corresponds to a need sacrosanct in the country.
I believe that by voting senators have played a very important role because not only have the discussion now incardinated in the House but plastically have shown that the time is over for all of annuities, if the politicians were the first to the courage to challenge themselves: between provinces and the Senate is in place the largest reduction of the political class ever made by a Western democracy. And gladly will face the battle of demagogic who, after having educated all’antipolitica, argues that this is a reduction of the space of participatory democracy (Applause Members of the Democratic Party), because this battle demagogic we won the elections and will continue to win in the coming days in the political debate.
But I want to finish on this point. With the vote, the key point is that the senators have shown that the number of annuities is finished for all, that the sacrifices we make them first and then we ask them to others. There is a symbolic element in the choice of the Senate, which is extraordinary, it’s beautiful, that is the message for which we do not look at anybody. Let’s look in his eyes all. But if the policy is ready to do their part then it is in a position to ask a union of halving the permissions in the public service, then it is in a position to ask a judge to make the holidays as they do ordinary citizens, then it is in conditions to ask a manager to have a maximum salaries, because it shows that the time the annuity is finite for all.
A democratic republic founded on work can not sink on income and at the end of the Thousand Days, long before the electoral law will no longer be that of the electoral law now because this marks the defeat of this Parliament and previous Parliaments. It is the victory of the inability of the political class. It was the Constitutional Court to regulate the electoral law, then it is not to invent an ad hoc electoral law. The electoral law is done by listening and no one can think of having its electoral law, no. Let alone the head of government. There is a need to respect others, to listen to others, to find a point of balance. But there are points that are undeniable, indisputable and unchangeable. The first was put in the hands of who wins the election, the certainty of victory and the responsibility for the failure in case of failure.
Today, Europe is experiencing a time in which in almost all countries it is not clear who wins. Look at what happened in Sweden, where also the political outcome is clear. The Swedes have chosen to change but have not given to the electoral law they have and in the presence of a strong success of the extreme right, who won the chance to be able to govern.
It’s the same thing that happened in Germany, it is the same thing that happens when there is a system of balloting that defines a clear winner, dry, clear. A winner of this award should be given a sufficient majority and proportional that put him in a position to deal with the path of the legislature and that put him in a position, if it fails, to be the culprit, not to find an alibi. The difference between the good ones and the good ones is that those unable to find solutions, those unable to find the alibi. We, with the electoral law, we want to remove the excuse anyone, but, by removing the alibi, we want to do it right away.
I say this very clearly: we want to make the electoral law does not immediately go to the elections, otherwise smentiremmo the reasoning of the Thousand Days, but because a melina on this point, yet another institutional melina on this point , sound like an affront to what has been said in recent months by leading members of the institutions, starting from the President of the Republic, whose speech in this House has been loud and clear in regard to the necessity of reform, and it would be primarily a insult to the dignity of the political class, which would prove incapable of finding solutions.
That’s why I say, finding an appropriate agreement where you can find them – none of us want to go ahead with the bulldozer – that the electoral law is an issue that can not be put off by the thousand days must be a priority for Parliament to return to express even a dignity of its own action.
At the end of the Thousand Days, we will achieve the reforms that we have identified, and – I would say – somehow already set up; it is as if we had done in the first six months, the frame of the puzzle, now is the time to put the pieces. I read ironies, such as: You said that in March you would have presented the labor reform … It’s game: the decree-law and the draft law. In April, the theme of public administration is party. The issue of taxation, justice. I will come very quickly – because they are already long – on individual points, one by one, but I would here vindicate with decision the fact that large or reforms are made all at once or you will not take home the process of change in Italy. The idea of who explains to us today, but you had to start with this one topic, something else is the problem of Italy, is the “benaltrismo” that becomes political philosophy, always finding something different than what we put in the field but ignores a fact and an objective finding, for which I will forgive the brutality or the reforms do all together, or do not go out with the pace of the tortoise by decades of stagnation and blockage, not only of ‘ economy, but the credibility of the policy. That’s why I believe that reforms are the instrument of growth. Pier Carlo Padoan, and his proposal, our proposal for the re-start the economy in the European debate has illustrated very clearly an apparent paradox: in recent years from the vocabulary of European policy has failed the word growth, that is, the covenant is called Stability and Growth Pact, suddenly there was a sort of portmanteau random, so the stability has become one with the Europe and has lost the sense of growth. We need to invest well the 300 billion euro that Juncker said to be ready to invest for the future of Europe and of which we are in a position to ask him to account since the next debate in the European Parliament, and use the $ 200 billion that are released from European Central Bank, calling for Italian banks to do their part. I appreciated the availability – for the moment verbal – that banks have expressed, and as in the first six months times I crossed blades with the banks, from the Decree-Law n. 66 on the funding of 80 euro, I say here today in Parliament that if Italian banks, which in the stress test in my opinion will still be stronger than other European banks (because it is also necessary to stop this culture of lamentation and wailing that in Italy everything goes wrong: we are the ones who saved the banks of other countries, no one has saved our banks, to make it clear how things are and what is the factual reality), are willing to do their part by going to invest finally 200 billion not just on government bonds, but recovering the ability to finance small and medium-sized enterprises and the organizations that invest, then there are the conditions for the path of reform has a much stronger meaning and efficacy.
But, at the end of the thousand days, the IRS will be less expensive and easier. We have already started, whatever people may say, with the reduction of public spending, the match with the Decree-Law n. 66; and with the investment in the 80 euro, which we claim strongly, primarily as an act of social justice and, as a secondary peak of reflection, by the very fact that the 80 € go to return purchasing power to a class, the middle class, which was bombed and ill-treated in these years in silence guilty of the policy. The choice of 80 euro is the first choice of reducing the tax burden. Of course, it was not at all – it is true – and involved 11 million Italians. Some say it is little. of course, we could and should do more, but we started and, in starting, say here today that our cultural design can not be what we are represented, so we should try to imitate other European countries, imagining the reduction of wages workers, convinced that this is a tool to facilitate growth. Who says today that we should reduce the wages of workers – as did other countries – because it would be an investment on growth, not only ignores the reality Italian, but Italian pointing down a bet on the production of low quality, exactly the opposite of what that we need, which focuses on reducing the purchasing power of the middle class, exactly the opposite of what we need, which focuses on the Italian and Italians denial of the right to do what they have always done things beautiful, because this is Italy, which Italy has been able to produce beautiful things in the world, Italy in a world in which 800 million new workers face on the global stage, constituting our great wealth, in spite of those who say that globalization is a problem: globalization is our only lifeline, paradoxically.
Well, this kind of reasoning leads on Italy – let me tell you with great decisiveness and determination – that we should not reduce the quality of life of our fellow countrymen thinking to do, at least, things that make all because this type of attitude is an endless spiral. We must make Italians do things that no one does good things, or the highest level, certainly reducing labor costs for businesses – no doubt – and we started to do that with the lowering of the 10 percent of ‘IRAP, which is not sufficient. Of course it is not enough. That’s why it is not enough simply to reduce taxes, if then simply paying taxes is a difficult task only bureaucratically speaking: we need a shared vision and unified, leading to the simplification of taxation, lowering the load on the work that we will pursue until 2015, as we did in 2014 with the reduction, for the first time in history, 10 percent of IRAP, because of this it was – it was this, whatever they say (Applause Members of the group Party Democrat) – and with the involvement of the middle class.
I have to laugh when I hear that our model should be Spain: I have a great esteem of Spain, the Spanish, I have a great friendship with the Spanish Premier, but when I hear that our model must be to a country that has twice the unemployment that has Italy, I have the concern of which is the cultural and economic model that we want to address today, and we want to achieve (Applause Members of the Democratic Party).
At the end of the Thousand Days justice can not be what it is today. Today, the civil justice system has an end time of the first instance judgment of 945 days; the French, the British and the Germans are under a year. We need to get there. It is unthinkable that the civil trial that today we have not simplified.
The first decree-law, which is already the attention of Parliament, and the bills delegation studied by the Minister Orlando, whom I thank, in this direction. And I would like to thank those judges who work with us for groped to solve historical problems and atavistic justice, beginning – I mention it because it is an example, an emblem and a success story – from Mario Barbuto, who, in Turin, reduced and practically cleared the backlog of civil justice and has accepted the invitation from Orlando to organize differently the Ministry.
In fact, it is evident that the holidays are not the judges, not the suspension is working with the problem of civil justice. It is not! There is no one here who think that by reducing the leave of the magistrates, we will solve all our problems, but there is no one out here, that you do not think it is right to ensure that there are not more 45-day suspension working, between 1 August and 15 September, for something as delicate and important as the service of justice (Applause Members of the groups and the New Democratic Party and center-right MEPs groups Forza Italy – The People of Freedom – President Berlusconi and Mixed) .
Look at the reality may not be the negation of a fact. And I want to say with great sincerity: this process of reform of justice, for us, is to delete the violent ideological confrontation of the past. I am on the side of all those who provide, struggle and fight for the freedom and independence of the judiciary, and the side of those whom this battle they always do, when it is convenient and when it’s inconvenient; and I always do because I believe it is the constituent element – without having to go back to Montesquieu – the freedom of a nation.
Who today wants to question the freedom and independence of the judiciary would first of all of us, the first and most serious obstacles to this project. At the same time, I claim to this Government to be the first government that has come into a classroom of Parliament to say, openly, that we do not accept that an instrument for the defense of an accused person, the notice of investigation, constitutes a weak point at ‘political experience or business of a person (Applause Members of the groups Democratic Party and the Left Ecology Freedom and Members of the group Mixed – Comments of Members of the group Lega Nord and Autonomy). And I say today, here, now. And I say this because, when there is an Italian company, which is the first (Comments) … Just because we respect the laws, when it happens to one of our reach and is the request for the arrest of one of ours, application complies with to the Constitution, we, because we want more good to the Constitution that our friends, we are voting for. And do not we allow you to express opinions like the one I just heard from her now (Applause Members of the Democratic Party), because the respect for the rules to say that a suspect has the right to be presumed innocent until a final judgment and that if there is an MP for which prompted the arrest in the absence of a prima persecutionis, we are in a position, even if it is our friend, to vote in favor. First comes the Constitution, then they are your ideological controversies (Applause Members of the Democratic Party).
I want to say about this, though, one thing very clear, I want to say one thing very clear on this point: in these hours (Comments) … at this time, a company, which is the first
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